Gianni Infantino is facing the most serious threat to his authority since he took charge of FIFA in 2016. According to Goal, European governing body UEFA are reportedly moving at pace to find a route to remove the Swiss official from power, following the spectacular collapse of his plan to create a $20 billion commercial subsidiary. The project, known as FIFA Forward Enterprise, was designed to sell commercial stakes in the World Cup to outside investors. It triggered a worldwide backlash, forced a humiliating U-turn, and has handed Infantino’s opponents the one thing they had been missing: a concrete, public failure.
What FIFA Forward Enterprise was and why it collapsed
FIFA Forward Enterprise was intended to be a standalone commercial vehicle, valued at around $20 billion, created to monetise a portion of the World Cup’s commercial assets alongside external investors. The official pitch was straightforward: multiply revenues and channel more money into developing football in the game’s poorer federations.
In practice, the idea of selling stakes in the most-watched sporting event on the planet ran straight into opposition from national associations, domestic leagues, player unions and supporter groups. The objection was consistent across every constituency. The World Cup, they argued, is collective sporting heritage, not a tradeable asset.
Reversing a project of that scale is not a technical adjustment. It is a political defeat. Infantino had attached his personal credibility to the plan, and abandoning it has given his critics a case that is concrete, documented and easy to explain to any federation delegate.
Why UEFA are moving now
UEFA have reportedly accelerated their plans because, for the first time in nearly a decade, there is a political opening. Power at FIFA is decided at Congress, where each of the 211 member associations holds one vote. Europe accounts for 55 of those associations, a little over a quarter of the electorate, which has never been enough to move alone.
What changes with a failure this public is the mood among the neutrals. Federations across Asia, Africa and the Americas that had no reason to break ranks now have a live example of executive overreach to point to. The friction between Nyon and Zurich was already long-running, covering the expanded Club World Cup, fixture congestion, revenue distribution and the 48-team World Cup format.
Precision matters here. No formal removal process has been officially announced. What is being reported is an acceleration of discussions and a search for legal and political mechanisms, not a scheduled vote. FIFA’s statutes make mid-term removal genuinely difficult.
Can a FIFA president actually be removed mid-term?
Removing a sitting FIFA president is legally awkward. The realistic routes run through Congress, the sovereign body of all 211 federations, or through an ethics process handled by FIFA’s independent judicial bodies. Neither is triggered by political dissatisfaction alone.
The most plausible path for UEFA is therefore coalition-building: assembling support well beyond Europe and coalescing around an alternative candidate at the next electoral opportunity. That is months of regional meetings, financial guarantees and firm commitments on how revenue would be redistributed to smaller associations.
The Sepp Blatter precedent is always raised, but the circumstances differ substantially. Blatter’s 2015 departure was precipitated by external criminal investigations, not by an internal policy reversal. Nothing comparable has been documented in relation to FIFA Forward Enterprise, so the parallel should be treated carefully.
What it means for the FA, the Premier League and English clubs
English football has a direct stake in this. The Football Association sits within the European bloc driving the pressure on Infantino, and England’s clubs have been among the most vocal about the consequences of an ever-expanding international calendar. Any rebalancing of power towards UEFA would strengthen the associations pushing that argument.
The Premier League’s specific concern is workload. Clubs such as Manchester City, Arsenal, Liverpool and Chelsea already navigate 38 league fixtures, two domestic cups, European competition and international windows. The expanded Club World Cup added another block of high-intensity matches to squads that were already stretched, and player unions have escalated the dispute over fixture volume.
There is also a straightforward financial dimension. Part of the justification for FIFA Forward Enterprise was generating money to redistribute globally. With the project shelved, English clubs and the FA will want clarity on whether solidarity payments and club benefits programmes tied to international tournaments are affected.
The three scenarios that decide Infantino’s future
Scenario one: Infantino absorbs the damage, leans harder on development funding for smaller federations, and serves out his term. This has historically been the most likely outcome, because a one-country-one-vote system rewards the incumbent who controls the agenda and the funding programmes.
Scenario two: UEFA build genuine support beyond Europe, particularly among African and South American associations unhappy with revenue distribution, and unite behind a compromise candidate at the next election. This depends entirely on a credible redistribution offer being agreed in advance.
Scenario three: the standoff escalates into open institutional warfare, with threats of breakaway competitions and litigation before sporting and European courts. That would be the worst outcome for clubs and players, who are already caught between fixture overload and unresolved disputes over international windows.
What to watch over the coming weeks
The first indicator is public positioning from the non-European confederations. As long as CAF, the AFC and Concacaf stay quiet or supportive, UEFA’s campaign has a hard ceiling.
The second is FIFA’s next financial report. Walking away from a structure projected to be worth $20 billion leaves a gap in the revenue forecasts, and member associations will want to know how it gets filled.
The third is the agenda for the next FIFA Congress. That is where the real balance of power becomes visible. Until then, everything being reported is groundwork rather than a decision.
FAQ
Why did the FIFA Forward Enterprise plan collapse?
The proposal would have created a commercial subsidiary valued at around $20 billion to sell stakes in the World Cup’s commercial assets to outside investors. It drew a global backlash from national associations, leagues and player unions, who argued the World Cup is collective sporting heritage rather than a tradeable asset. FIFA subsequently reversed course.
Can UEFA remove Gianni Infantino from the FIFA presidency?
Not directly. UEFA is a continental confederation with no statutory power to dismiss a FIFA president. Removal would have to come through the FIFA Congress, where each of the 211 member associations holds one vote, or through an internal ethics process. Europe contributes only 55 of those votes, so UEFA would need substantial support from other confederations.
When is the next FIFA presidential election?
FIFA presidential elections are decided at a FIFA Congress, the assembly of all member associations. No extraordinary congress has been officially called to bring the vote forward, so FIFA’s ordinary electoral calendar currently applies.
How does this affect England and the Premier League?
The immediate impact is institutional rather than sporting. A shift in power towards UEFA would strengthen the bloc arguing for a lighter international calendar, more protection for clubs releasing players, and a different revenue split. Given the Premier League’s fixture load and its clubs’ involvement in the expanded Club World Cup, those decisions matter directly to English football.
Will this disrupt the 2026 World Cup?
There is no indication that the tournament’s sporting organisation is affected. The 2026 World Cup, hosted by the United States, Canada and Mexico with 48 teams, is proceeding to schedule. The dispute between UEFA and FIFA is being fought over governance and revenue rather than the staging of the competition.
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